Angela Davis: ‘The Myth of the Black Rapist’

So far the discussion of rape has been ‘abstracted’ from race. It is an interesting question, however, whether this sort of ‘abstraction’ is possible. If rape is an example of interlocking oppression, then the preceding is an incomplete account which – insofar as it omits all discussion of race – isn’t so much ‘abstract’ as it is ‘white’.

Angela Davis provides an important analysis of the use of rape (and rape-accusations) as a form of Black oppression.

(1) According to Davis, the myth of the Black Rapist is the counterpart to the myth of the Black Whore. (Remember Collins’ discussion about the stereotype of the Black Jezebel). Notice that in both stereotypes there is a kind of ‘hyper-sexualization’ as well as the tendency to reduce both Black men and women to mere animals (incapable of controlling sexual urges).

(2) Davis points out that during slavery, Black women were routinely raped by their ‘masters.’ She claims that this was part of the institution of slavery (i.e., part of the ‘master’s right,’ and part of the way in which racial oppression was secured. Thus: Rape as a form of racial oppression = Rape as an interlocking form of oppression (i.e., gender and race). Notice, also, how the Myth of the Black Jezebel can help ‘justify’ this kind of rape. (Black females are really sexual, animal-like – i.e., completely ‘rape-able’).

(3) Davis points out that racially motivated rape survived the abolition of slavery and continued to be perpetuated by groups such as the KKK. She suggests that any increase in rape overall of women (Black, White, or otherwise) may have been the consequence of a society that condoned rape in slavery. If she is right, then rape as it exists in the U.S. would be fundamentally derived from racially motivated rape.

(4) Davis claims that the Myth of the Black Rapist emerges at a specific point in history: It is fundamentally connected to the historical phenomenon of lynching. She points out that at first Black men were not lynched (not as slaves). And mostly White abolitionists were lynched. Davis suggests that this Myth did not emerge right away. And it was a distinctly political invention.

(5) In the first wave of lynching of the Black men (right after abolition), the myth was not used at all. Rather Black men were lynched for the suspicion of being insurgents and conspirators. However, after the attempts of Reconstruction failed (and it was clear that there was no real danger from Black men), this “justification” lost its plausibility. Here, the Myth of the Black Rapist emerges as a “justification” for lynching.

(6) Some considerations: During the Civil War (when all of the White men were off fighting), there were NO reports of rape (involving Black slaves against White women). Moreover, most mob lynchings didn’t even involve the charge of rape at all.

****One important point is that when rape is viewed from a non-white perspective, the ('abstracted') feminist perspective that rape is inherently a tool of oppression against women is render very problematic. Given the history of false rape accusations against Black men, it seems that so-called ‘perpetrators’ were not perpetrators at all. It seems that the whole issue of rape involves multiple dimensions. A Black woman may have more to consider if she is raped by a Black man. How does the charge of rape only serve to promote further racial injustice?

Further Reflections: One of Davis’ points is that the Myth of the Black Rapist actually helps hide (i.e., render invisible) the long history of White men raping Black women as a tool of racial oppression.

It is also worth nothing that one of the main myths that help obscure date rape is the belief in ‘Real Rape’ (i.e., the belief that most rapes are committed by strangers). Statistically, most rapes are committed by acquaintances.

Questions: To what extent is the Myth of the Stranger Rapist of a piece with the Myth of the Black Rapist? To what extent is the frightening ‘stranger rapist’ (in the White imagination) a ‘Black rapist’?